Is Byzantine Art Used in Roman Catholic and Protestant Churches

Art of the Byzantine Empire

Byzantine art comprises the body of Christian Greek creative products of the Eastern Roman (Byzantine) Empire,^[ane] likewise equally the nations and states that inherited culturally from the empire. Though the empire itself emerged from the decline of Rome and lasted until the Fall of Constantinople in 1453,^[two] the get-go date of the Byzantine menstruum is rather clearer in art history than in political history, if nevertheless imprecise. Many Eastern Orthodox states in Eastern Europe, too as to some degree the Islamic states of the eastern Mediterranean, preserved many aspects of the empire's civilisation and fine art for centuries afterward.

A number of contemporary states with the Byzantine Empire were culturally influenced by information technology without actually being function of it (the "Byzantine commonwealth"). These included the Rus, as well as some non-Orthodox states like the Democracy of Venice, which separated from the Byzantine Empire in the 10th century, and the Kingdom of Sicily, which had shut ties to the Byzantine Empire and had also been a Byzantine territory until the tenth century with a large Greek-speaking population persisting into the 12th century. Other states having a Byzantine artistic tradition, had oscillated throughout the Heart Ages betwixt being part of the Byzantine Empire and having periods of independence, such as Serbia and Bulgaria. After the autumn of the Byzantine uppercase of Constantinople in 1453, art produced past Eastern Orthodox Christians living in the Ottoman Empire was frequently called "post-Byzantine." Certain artistic traditions that originated in the Byzantine Empire, particularly in regard to icon painting and church architecture, are maintained in Greece, Cyprus, Serbia, Bulgaria, Romania, Russia and other Eastern Orthodox countries to the present day.

Introduction [edit]

Byzantine fine art originated and evolved from the Christianized Greek culture of the Eastern Roman Empire; content from both Christianity and classical Greek mythology were artistically expressed through Hellenistic modes of style and iconography.^[3] The art of Byzantium never lost sight of its classical heritage; the Byzantine capital, Constantinople, was adorned with a large number of classical sculptures,^[4] although they somewhen became an object of some puzzlement for its inhabitants^[5] (nevertheless, Byzantine beholders showed no signs of puzzlement towards other forms of classical media such as wall paintings^[6]). The basis of Byzantine art is a fundamental creative attitude held by the Byzantine Greeks who, like their ancient Greek predecessors, "were never satisfied with a play of forms alone, simply stimulated by an innate rationalism, endowed forms with life by associating them with a meaningful content."^[7] Although the fine art produced in the Byzantine Empire was marked by periodic revivals of a classical artful, it was to a higher place all marked by the development of a new aesthetic defined by its salient "abstruse", or anti-naturalistic grapheme. If classical art was marked past the attempt to create representations that mimicked reality as closely as possible, Byzantine art seems to have abandoned this attempt in favor of a more symbolic approach.

The Ethiopian Saint Arethas depicted in traditional Byzantine style (10th century)

The nature and causes of this transformation, which largely took place during late antiquity, have been a subject of scholarly debate for centuries.^[8] Giorgio Vasari attributed it to a decline in artistic skills and standards, which had in turn been revived past his contemporaries in the Italian Renaissance. Although this point of view has been occasionally revived, nearly notably by Bernard Berenson,^[ix] modern scholars tend to take a more positive view of the Byzantine aesthetic. Alois Riegl and Josef Strzygowski, writing in the early 20th century, were above all responsible for the revaluation of late antique art.^[x] Riegl saw it as a natural development of pre-existing tendencies in Roman art, whereas Strzygowski viewed it equally a production of "oriental" influences. Notable recent contributions to the debate include those of Ernst Kitzinger,^[eleven] who traced a "dialectic" between "abstract" and "Hellenistic" tendencies in late antiquity, and John Onians,^[12] who saw an "increment in visual response" in late artifact, through which a viewer "could look at something which was in twentieth-century terms purely abstract and find it representational."

In any instance, the argue is purely mod: information technology is articulate that almost Byzantine viewers did not consider their art to be abstract or unnaturalistic. Every bit Cyril Mango has observed, "our own appreciation of Byzantine art stems largely from the fact that this art is not naturalistic; however the Byzantines themselves, judging past their extant statements, regarded information technology equally beingness highly naturalistic and as being direct in the tradition of Phidias, Apelles, and Zeuxis."^[thirteen]

Frescoes in Nerezi near Skopje (1164), with their unique alloy of loftier tragedy, gentle humanity, and homespun realism, conceptualize the approach of Giotto and other proto-Renaissance Italian artists.

The subject affair of monumental Byzantine art was primarily religious and imperial: the 2 themes are often combined, every bit in the portraits of later Byzantine emperors that decorated the interior of the sixth-century church of Hagia Sophia in Constantinople. These preoccupations are partly a issue of the pious and autocratic nature of Byzantine society, and partly a issue of its economic structure: the wealth of the empire was concentrated in the easily of the church and the purple office, which had the greatest opportunity to undertake awe-inspiring creative commissions.

Religious art was non, however, limited to the monumental decoration of church interiors. Ane of the almost important genres of Byzantine fine art was the icon, an image of Christ, the Virgin, or a saint, used as an object of veneration in Orthodox churches and individual homes akin. Icons were more than religious than aesthetic in nature: especially afterward the cease of iconoclasm, they were understood to manifest the unique "presence" of the figure depicted by means of a "likeness" to that figure maintained through carefully maintained canons of representation.^[fourteen]

The illumination of manuscripts was another major genre of Byzantine art. The most commonly illustrated texts were religious, both scripture itself (particularly the Psalms) and devotional or theological texts (such as the Ladder of Divine Ascent of John Climacus or the homilies of Gregory of Nazianzus). Secular texts were also illuminated: important examples include the Alexander Romance and the history of John Skylitzes.

The Byzantines inherited the Early Christian distrust of monumental sculpture in religious art, and produced only reliefs, of which very few survivals are anything similar life-size, in abrupt contrast to the medieval fine art of the West, where monumental sculpture revived from Carolingian art onwards. Small ivories were also mostly in relief.

The and so-called "pocket-sized arts" were very of import in Byzantine fine art and luxury items, including ivories carved in relief every bit formal presentation Consular diptychs or caskets such as the Veroli casket, hardstone carvings, enamels, glass, jewelry, metalwork, and figured silks were produced in large quantities throughout the Byzantine era. Many of these were religious in nature, although a big number of objects with secular or non-representational decoration were produced: for example, ivories representing themes from classical mythology. Byzantine ceramics were relatively rough, as pottery was never used at the tables of the rich, who ate off Byzantine silvery.

Periods [edit]

Byzantine art and architecture is divided into four periods past convention: the Early on period, commencing with the Edict of Milan (when Christian worship was legitimized) and the transfer of the purple seat to Constantinople, extends to Ad 842, with the determination of Iconoclasm; the Middle, or loftier period, begins with the restoration of the icons in 843 and culminates in the Fall of Constantinople to the Crusaders in 1204; the Late menstruation includes the eclectic osmosis between Western European and traditional Byzantine elements in art and architecture, and ends with the Fall of Constantinople to the Ottoman Turks in 1453. The term mail-Byzantine is then used for later years, whereas "Neo-Byzantine" is used for art and compages from the 19th century onwards, when the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire prompted a renewed appreciation of Byzantium by artists and historians alike.

Early Byzantine art [edit]

Ii events were of cardinal importance to the development of a unique, Byzantine art. First, the Edict of Milan, issued by the emperors Constantine I and Licinius in 313, allowed for public Christian worship, and led to the evolution of a awe-inspiring, Christian fine art. Second, the dedication of Constantinople in 330 created a slap-up new artistic centre for the eastern half of the Empire, and a specifically Christian ane. Other artistic traditions flourished in rival cities such as Alexandria, Antioch, and Rome, only it was non until all of these cities had fallen - the first two to the Arabs and Rome to the Goths - that Constantinople established its supremacy.

Constantine devoted not bad effort to the decoration of Constantinople, adorning its public spaces with ancient statuary,^[fifteen] and building a forum dominated by a porphyry column that carried a statue of himself.^[16] Major Constantinopolitan churches built nether Constantine and his son, Constantius II, included the original foundations of Hagia Sophia and the Church building of the Holy Apostles.^[17]

The next major edifice campaign in Constantinople was sponsored by Theodosius I. The nigh important surviving monument of this menstruum is the obelisk and base of operations erected by Theodosius in the Hippodrome^[18] which, with the large silver dish called the Missorium of Theodosius I, represents the classic examples of what is sometimes chosen the "Theodosian Renaissance". The earliest surviving church in Constantinople is the Basilica of St. John at the Stoudios Monastery, built in the fifth century.^[19]

Miniatures of the sixth-century Rabula Gospel (a Byzantine Syriac Gospel) display the more abstruse and symbolic nature of Byzantine art

Due to subsequent rebuilding and destruction, relatively few Constantinopolitan monuments of this early on period survive. However, the evolution of monumental early on Byzantine art can still be traced through surviving structures in other cities. For example, important early on churches are found in Rome (including Santa Sabina and Santa Maria Maggiore),^[xx] and in Thessaloniki (the Rotunda and the Acheiropoietos Basilica).^[21]

A number of important illuminated manuscripts, both sacred and secular, survive from this early on flow. Classical authors, including Virgil (represented by the Vergilius Vaticanus^[22] and the Vergilius Romanus)^[23] and Homer (represented past the Ambrosian Iliad), were illustrated with narrative paintings. Illuminated biblical manuscripts of this period survive only in fragments: for example, the Quedlinburg Itala fragment is a minor portion of what must have been a lavishly illustrated copy of 1 Kings.^[24]

Early on Byzantine art was likewise marked past the tillage of ivory etching.^[25] Ivory diptychs, often elaborately decorated, were issued as gifts by newly appointed consuls.^[26] Silver plates were another of import course of luxury art:^[27] among the almost lavish from this period is the Missorium of Theodosius I.^[28] Sarcophagi continued to be produced in bang-up numbers.

Age of Justinian I [edit]

Mosaic from San Vitale in Ravenna, showing the Emperor Justinian and Bishop Maximian, surrounded by clerics and soldiers.

Pregnant changes in Byzantine fine art coincided with the reign of Justinian I (527–565). Justinian devoted much of his reign to reconquering Italy, North Africa and Spain. He also laid the foundations of the imperial absolutism of the Byzantine state, codifying its laws and imposing his religious views on all his subjects by police.^[29]

A significant component of Justinian's project of imperial renovation was a massive edifice program, which was described in a book, the Buildings, written by Justinian's courtroom historian, Procopius.^[thirty] Justinian renovated, rebuilt, or founded afresh countless churches within Constantinople, including Hagia Sophia,^[31] which had been destroyed during the Nika riots, the Church building of the Holy Apostles,^[32] and the Church of Saints Sergius and Bacchus.^[33] Justinian likewise built a number of churches and fortifications outside of the regal capital letter, including Saint Catherine'due south Monastery on Mount Sinai in Egypt,^[34] Basilica of Saint Sofia in Sofia and the Basilica of St. John in Ephesus.^[35]

Several major churches of this period were built in the provinces by local bishops in imitation of the new Constantinopolitan foundations. The Basilica of San Vitale in Ravenna, was congenital by Bishop Maximianus. The decoration of San Vitale includes of import mosaics of Justinian and his empress, Theodora, although neither e'er visited the church.^[36] Also of note is the Euphrasian Basilica in Poreč.^[37]

Contempo archeological discoveries in the 19th and 20th centuries unearthed a large group of Early on Byzantine mosaics in the Middle E. The eastern provinces of the Eastern Roman and later the Byzantine Empires inherited a stiff artistic tradition from Belatedly Antiquity. Christian mosaic art flourished in this area from the quaternary century onwards. The tradition of making mosaics was carried on in the Umayyad era until the end of the eighth century. The well-nigh important surviving examples are the Madaba Map, the mosaics of Mount Nebo, Saint Catherine'southward Monastery and the Church of St Stephen in ancient Kastron Mefaa (now Umm ar-Rasas).

The first fully preserved illuminated biblical manuscripts date to the first one-half of the sixth century, near notably the Vienna Genesis,^[38] the Rossano Gospels,^[39] and the Sinope Gospels.^[40] The Vienna Dioscurides is a lavishly illustrated botanical treatise, presented every bit a souvenir to the Byzantine aristocrat Julia Anicia.^[41]

Of import ivory sculptures of this period include the Barberini ivory, which probably depicts Justinian himself,^[42] and the Archangel ivory in the British Museum.^[43] Silver plate continued to exist decorated with scenes drawn from classical mythology; for example, a plate in the Cabinet des Médailles, Paris, depicts Hercules wrestling the Nemean lion.^[44]

Seventh-century crisis [edit]

The Age of Justinian was followed by a political decline, since well-nigh of Justinian's conquests were lost and the Empire faced acute crisis with the invasions of the Avars, Slavs, Persians and Arabs in the seventh century. Constantinople was as well wracked by religious and political conflict.^[45]

The well-nigh significant surviving monumental projects of this catamenia were undertaken outside of the royal capital. The church of Hagios Demetrios in Thessaloniki was rebuilt subsequently a fire in the mid-7th century. The new sections include mosaics executed in a remarkably abstruse manner.^[46] The church of the Koimesis in Nicaea (present-day Iznik), destroyed in the early 20th century but documented through photographs, demonstrates the simultaneous survival of a more classical mode of church building ornamentation.^[47] The churches of Rome, still a Byzantine territory in this flow, also include important surviving decorative programs, especially Santa Maria Antiqua, Sant'Agnese fuori le mura, and the Chapel of San Venanzio in San Giovanni in Laterano.^[48] Byzantine mosaicists probably also contributed to the decoration of the early Umayyad monuments, including the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem and the Great Mosque of Damascus.^[49]

Important works of luxury art from this period include the argent David Plates, produced during the reign of Emperor Heraclius, and depicting scenes from the life of the Hebrew king David.^[l] The nearly notable surviving manuscripts are Syriac gospel books, such as the then-called Syriac Bible of Paris.^[51] Nonetheless, the London Canon Tables bear witness to the continuing production of lavish gospel books in Greek.^[52]

The menstruum betwixt Justinian and iconoclasm saw major changes in the social and religious roles of images within Byzantium. The veneration of acheiropoieta, or holy images "non made by human easily," became a significant phenomenon, and in some instances these images were credited with saving cities from military machine set on. By the stop of the seventh century, sure images of saints had come to be viewed equally "windows" through which one could communicate with the figure depicted. Proskynesis before images is likewise attested in texts from the tardily 7th century. These developments marker the beginnings of a theology of icons.^[53]

At the same time, the argue over the proper role of fine art in the decoration of churches intensified. Three canons of the Quinisext Council of 692 addressed controversies in this surface area: prohibition of the representation of the cross on church pavements (Canon 73), prohibition of the representation of Christ every bit a lamb (Canon 82), and a general injunction against "pictures, whether they are in paintings or in what way and so e'er, which attract the center and corrupt the heed, and incite information technology to the enkindling of base pleasures" (Canon 100).

Crunch of iconoclasm [edit]

Helios in his chariot, surrounded past symbols of the months and of the zodiac. From Vat. Gr. 1291, the "Handy Tables" of Ptolemy, produced during the reign of Constantine Five

Intense debate over the function of art in worship led somewhen to the menstruum of "Byzantine iconoclasm."^[54] Sporadic outbreaks of iconoclasm on the part of local bishops are attested in Asia Minor during the 720s. In 726, an underwater earthquake betwixt the islands of Thera and Therasia was interpreted by Emperor Leo III as a sign of God's anger, and may take led Leo to remove a famous icon of Christ from the Chalke Gate outside the royal palace.^[55] However, iconoclasm probably did not become imperial policy until the reign of Leo'south son, Constantine V. The Council of Hieria, convened under Constantine in 754, proscribed the manufacture of icons of Christ. This inaugurated the Iconoclastic period, which lasted, with interruptions, until 843.

While iconoclasm severely restricted the role of religious art, and led to the removal of some earlier apse mosaics and (possibly) the sporadic devastation of portable icons, it never constituted a total ban on the production of figural fine art. Ample literary sources indicate that secular fine art (i.e. hunting scenes and depictions of the games in the hippodrome) continued to be produced,^[56] and the few monuments that can be securely dated to the period (nearly notably the manuscript of Ptolemy'due south "Handy Tables" today held by the Vatican^[57]) demonstrate that metropolitan artists maintained a high quality of production.^[58]

Major churches dating to this flow include Hagia Eirene in Constantinople, which was rebuilt in the 760s following its destruction by the 740 Constantinople earthquake. The interior of Hagia Eirene, which is dominated by a large mosaic cross in the apse, is one of the all-time-preserved examples of iconoclastic church decoration.^[59] The church building of Hagia Sophia in Thessaloniki was as well rebuilt in the late 8th century.^[sixty]

Certain churches built exterior of the empire during this flow, but busy in a figural, "Byzantine," style, may also bear witness to the continuing activities of Byzantine artists. Particularly important in this regard are the original mosaics of the Palatine Chapel in Aachen (since either destroyed or heavily restored) and the frescoes in the Church of Maria foris portas in Castelseprio.

Macedonian art [edit]

The rulings of the Quango of Hieria were reversed past a new church council in 843, celebrated to this day in the Eastern Orthodox Church building as the "Triumph of Orthodoxy." In 867, the installation of a new apse mosaic in Hagia Sophia depicting the Virgin and Child was celebrated by the Patriarch Photios in a famous homily as a victory over the evils of iconoclasm. Later in the same twelvemonth, the Emperor Basil I, called "the Macedonian," acceded to the throne; as a result the post-obit period of Byzantine fine art has sometimes been called the "Macedonian Renaissance", although the term is doubly problematic (information technology was neither "Macedonian", nor, strictly speaking, a "Renaissance").

In the ninth and 10th centuries, the Empire'south military state of affairs improved, and patronage of fine art and compages increased. New churches were commissioned, and the standard architectural form (the "cross-in-square") and decorative scheme of the Middle Byzantine church were standardised. Major surviving examples include Hosios Loukas in Boeotia, the Daphni Monastery near Athens and Nea Moni on Chios.

There was a revival of interest in the depiction of subjects from classical Greek mythology (as on the Veroli Casket) and in the utilize of a "classical" Hellenistic styles to describe religious, and particularly Old Testament, subjects (of which the Paris Psalter and the Joshua Roll are important examples).

The Macedonian period also saw a revival of the late antiquarian technique of ivory etching. Many ornate ivory triptychs and diptychs survive, such as the Harbaville Triptych and a triptych at Luton Hoo, dating from the reign of Nicephorus Phocas.

Komnenian historic period [edit]

The Macedonian emperors were followed past the Komnenian dynasty, beginning with the reign of Alexios I Komnenos in 1081. Byzantium had recently suffered a period of severe dislocation following the Battle of Manzikert in 1071 and the subsequent loss of Asia Small to the Turks. However, the Komnenoi brought stability to the empire (1081–1185) and during the course of the twelfth century their energetic campaigning did much to restore the fortunes of the empire. The Komnenoi were swell patrons of the arts, and with their support Byzantine artists connected to move in the management of greater humanism and emotion, of which the Theotokos of Vladimir, the cycle of mosaics at Daphni, and the murals at Nerezi yield important examples. Ivory sculpture and other expensive mediums of art gradually gave mode to frescoes and icons, which for the showtime time gained widespread popularity beyond the Empire. Apart from painted icons, there were other varieties - notably the mosaic and ceramic ones.

Some of the finest Byzantine work of this period may be found exterior the Empire: in the mosaics of Gelati, Kiev, Torcello, Venice, Monreale, Cefalù and Palermo. For example, Venice's Basilica of St Marking, begun in 1063, was based on the peachy Church of the Holy Apostles in Constantinople, now destroyed, and is thus an echo of the historic period of Justinian. The acquisitive habits of the Venetians mean that the basilica is also a nifty museum of Byzantine artworks of all kinds (eastward.g., Pala d'Oro).

Ivory caskets of the Macedonian era (Gallery) [edit]

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  11th-12th century, Museo Nazionale d'Arte Medievale e Moderna (Arezzo)

Palaeologan historic period [edit]

The Annunciation from Ohrid, one of the well-nigh admired icons of the Paleologan mannerism, bears comparison with the finest gimmicky works by Italian artists

Centuries of continuous Roman political tradition and Hellenistic civilisation underwent a crisis in 1204 with the sacking of Constantinople by the Venetian and French knights of the Fourth Crusade, a disaster from which the Empire recovered in 1261 albeit in a severely weakened state. The destruction past sack or subsequent fail of the city's secular architecture in particular has left united states with an imperfect agreement of Byzantine fine art.

Although the Byzantines regained the city in 1261, the Empire was thereafter a small and weak land confined to the Greek peninsula and the islands of the Aegean. During their one-half-century of exile, even so, the last great flowing of Anatolian Hellenism began. As Nicaea emerged as the middle of opposition under the Laskaris emperors, information technology spawned a renaissance, attracting scholars, poets, and artists from beyond the Byzantine globe. A glittering court emerged every bit the dispossessed intelligentsia found in the Hellenic side of their traditions a pride and identity unsullied by association with the hated "latin" enemy.^[61] With the recapture of the capital under the new Palaeologan Dynasty, Byzantine artists developed a new interest in landscapes and pastoral scenes, and the traditional mosaic-work (of which the Chora Church in Constantinople is the finest extant example) gradually gave fashion to detailed cycles of narrative frescoes (as evidenced in a large group of Mystras churches). The icons, which became a favoured medium for artistic expression, were characterized by a less austere attitude, new appreciation for purely decorative qualities of painting and meticulous attending to details, earning the popular name of the Paleologan Mannerism for the menstruum in general.

Venice came to control Byzantine Crete by 1212, and Byzantine artistic traditions continued long after the Ottoman conquest of the final Byzantine successor state in 1461. The Cretan school, as it is today known, gradually introduced Western elements into its style, and exported large numbers of icons to the West. The tradition'southward about famous artist was El Greco.^{[62] [63]}

Legacy [edit]

The splendour of Byzantine art was ever in the heed of early on medieval Western artists and patrons, and many of the well-nigh of import movements in the menses were conscious attempts to produce fine art fit to stand side by side to both classical Roman and contemporary Byzantine art. This was especially the case for the majestic Carolingian fine art and Ottonian fine art. Luxury products from the Empire were highly valued, and reached for example the majestic Anglo-Saxon Sutton Hoo burying in Suffolk of the 620s, which contains several pieces of silver. Byzantine silks were especially valued and large quantities were distributed as diplomatic gifts from Constantinople. In that location are records of Byzantine artists working in the West, peculiarly during the period of iconoclasm, and some works, like the frescos at Castelseprio and miniatures in the Vienna Coronation Gospels, seem to have been produced by such figures.

In detail, teams of mosaic artists were dispatched as diplomatic gestures past emperors to Italy, where they oft trained locals to continue their work in a manner heavily influenced by Byzantium. Venice and Norman Sicily were detail centres of Byzantine influence. The earliest surviving panel paintings in the West were in a style heavily influenced past contemporary Byzantine icons, until a distinctive Western manner began to develop in Italian republic in the Trecento; the traditional and all the same influential narrative of Vasari and others has the story of Western painting begin as a breakaway by Cimabue and so Giotto from the shackles of the Byzantine tradition. In general, Byzantine artistic influence on Europe was in steep pass up by the 14th century if not earlier, despite the connected importance of migrated Byzantine scholars in the Renaissance in other areas.

Islamic art began with artists and craftsmen by and large trained in Byzantine styles, and though figurative content was greatly reduced, Byzantine decorative styles remained a great influence on Islamic art, and Byzantine artists continued to be imported for important works for some time, specially for mosaics.

The Byzantine era properly defined came to an end with the fall of Constantinople to the Ottoman Turks in 1453, simply by this time the Byzantine cultural heritage had been widely diffused, carried by the spread of Orthodox Christianity, to Bulgaria, Serbia, Romania and, most importantly, to Russia, which became the eye of the Orthodox world following the Ottoman conquest of the Balkans. Even under Ottoman dominion, Byzantine traditions in icon-painting and other minor arts survived, especially in the Venetian-ruled Crete and Rhodes, where a "post-Byzantine" fashion under increasing Western influence survived for a further two centuries, producing artists including El Greco whose preparation was in the Cretan School which was the most vigorous post-Byzantine school, exporting great numbers of icons to Europe. The willingness of the Cretan School to accept Western influence was atypical; in almost of the post-Byzantine world "every bit an instrument of indigenous cohesiveness, art became assertively conservative during the Turcocratia" (period of Ottoman rule).^[64]

Russian icon painting began by entirely adopting and imitating Byzantine art, as did the art of other Orthodox nations, and has remained extremely bourgeois in iconography, although its painting way has adult distinct characteristics, including influences from mail service-Renaissance Western art. All the Eastern Orthodox churches have remained highly protective of their traditions in terms of the grade and content of images and, for example, mod Orthodox depictions of the Nascence of Christ vary little in content from those developed in the 6th century.

See as well [edit]

• Byzantine illuminated manuscripts
• Byzantine architecture
• Byzantine mosaics
• Macedonian art (Byzantine)
• Byzantine Iconoclasm
• Sacred art
• Book of Job in Byzantine Illuminated Manuscripts

Notes [edit]

1. ^ Michelis 1946; Weitzmann 1981.
2. ^ Kitzinger 1977, pp. 1‒three.
3. ^ Michelis 1946; Ainalov 1961, "Introduction", pp. 3‒8; Stylianou & Stylianou 1985, p. 19; Hanfmann 1962, "Early Christian Sculpture", p. 42 harvnb fault: no target: CITEREFHanfmann1962 (aid); Weitzmann 1984.
4. ^ Bassett 2004.
5. ^ Cyril 1965, pp. 53‒75 harvnb error: no target: CITEREFCyril1965 (aid).
6. ^ Ainalov 1961, "The Hellenistic Character of Byzantine Wall Painting", pp. 185‒214.
7. ^ Weitzmann 1981, p. 350.
8. ^ Brendel 1979.
9. ^ Berenson 1954.
10. ^ Elsner 2002, pp. 358‒379.
11. ^ Kitzinger 1977.
12. ^ Onians 1980, pp. ane‒23.
13. ^ Mango 1963, p. 65.
14. ^ Belting & Jephcott 1994 harvnb fault: no target: CITEREFBeltingJephcott1994 (aid).
15. ^ Bassett 2004.
16. ^ Fowden 1991, pp. 119‒131; Bauer 1996.
17. ^ Mathews 1971; Henck 2001, pp. 279‒304
18. ^ Kiilerich 1998.
19. ^ Mathews 1971.
20. ^ Krautheimer 2000.
21. ^ Spieser 1984; Ćurčić 2000.
22. ^ Wright 1993.
23. ^ Wright 2001.
24. ^ Levin 1985.
25. ^ Volbach 1976.
26. ^ Delbrueck 1929.
27. ^ Dodd 1961.
28. ^ Almagro-Gorbea 2000.
29. ^ Maas 2005.
30. ^ Tr. H.B. Dewing, Procopius Seven (Cambridge, 1962).
31. ^ Mainstone 1997.
32. ^ Dark & Özgümüş 2002, pp. 393‒413.
33. ^ Bardill 2000, pp. 1‒11; Mathews 2005.
34. ^ Forsyth & Weitzmann 1973.
35. ^ Thiel 2005.
36. ^ Deichmann 1969.
37. ^ Eufrasiana Basilica Project.
38. ^ Wellesz 1960.
39. ^ Cavallo 1992.
40. ^ Grabar 1948.
41. ^ Mazal 1998.
42. ^ Cutler 1993, pp. 329‒339.
43. ^ Wright 1986, pp. 75‒79.
44. ^ photo of the plate
45. ^ Haldon 1997.
46. ^ Brubaker 2004, pp. 63‒ninety.
47. ^ Barber 1991, pp. 43‒60.
48. ^ Matthiae 1987.
49. ^ Creswell 1969; Flood 2001.
50. ^ Leader 2000, pp. 407‒427.
51. ^ Leroy 1964.
52. ^ Nordenfalk 1938.
53. ^ Brubaker 1998, pp. 1215‒1254.
54. ^ Bryer & Herrin 1977; Brubaker & Haldon 2001.
55. ^ Stein 1980; The story of the Chalke Icon may be a later on invention: Auzépy 1990, pp. 445‒492.
56. ^ Grabar 1984.
57. ^ Wright 1985, pp. 355‒362.
58. ^ Bryer & Herrin 1977, Robin Cormack, "The Arts during the Historic period of Iconoclasm".
59. ^ Peschlow 1977.
60. ^ Theocharidou 1988.
61. ^ Ash 1995.
62. ^ Byron, Robert (October 1929). "Greco: The Epilogue to Byzantine Culture". The Burlington Magazine for Connoisseurs. 55 (319): 160–174. JSTOR 864104.
63. ^ Procopiou, Angelo M. (March 1952). "El Greco and Cretan Painting". The Burlington Mag. 94 (588): 76–74. JSTOR 870678.
64. ^ Kessler 1988, p. 166.

References [edit]

• Ainalov, D.V. (1961). The Hellenistic Origins of Byzantine Art. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press.
• Almagro-Gorbea, M., ed. (2000). El Disco de Teodosio. Madrid: Existent Academia de la Historia. ISBN9788489512603.
• Ash, John (1995). A Byzantine Journeying . London: Random Business firm Incorporated. ISBN9780679409342.
• Auzépy, M.-F. (1990). "La destruction de l'icône du Christ de la Chalcé par Léon Three: propagande ou réalité?". Byzantion. 60: 445‒492.
• Barber, C. (1991). "The Koimesis Church building, Nicaea: The Limits of Representation on the Eve of Iconoclasm". Jahrbuch der österreichischen Byzantinistik. 41: 43‒60.
• Bardill, J. (2000). "The Church of Sts. Sergius and Bacchus in Constantinople and the Monophysite Refugees". Dumbarton Oaks Papers. 54: one‒eleven. doi:10.2307/1291830. JSTOR 1291830.
• Bassett, Sarah (2004). The Urban Image of Late Antique Constantinople. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN9780521827232.
• Bauer, Franz Alto (1996). Stadt, Platz und Denkmal in der Spätantike. Mainz: P. von Zabern. ISBN9783805318426.
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• Berenson, Bernard (1954). The Arch of Constantine, or, the Reject of Form. London: Chapman and Hall.
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• Dodd, Erica Cruikshank (1961). Byzantine Silver Stamps. Washington: Dumbarton Oaks Inquiry Library and Drove, Trustees for Harvard Academy.
• Elsner, J. (2002). "The Birth of Tardily Artifact: Riegl and Strzygowski in 1901". Art History. 25 (3): 358‒379. doi:10.1111/1467-8365.00326.
• Ene D-Vasilescu, Elena (2021). Michelangelo, the Byzantines, and Plato. ISBN9781800498792.
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• Flood, Finbarr Barry (2001). The Great Mosque of Damascus: Studies on the Making of an Umayyad Visual Culture. Leiden: Brill.
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• Kitzinger, Ernst (1977). Byzantine Art in the Making: Main Lines of Stylistic Development in Mediterranean Art, 3rd‒7th Century. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN978-0571111541.
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Further reading [edit]

• Alloa, Emmanuel (2013). "Visual Studies in Byzantium". Journal of Visual Culture. 12 (one): 3‒29. doi:10.1177/1470412912468704. S2CID 191395643.
• Beckwith, John (1979). Early on Christian and Byzantine Art (2nd ed.). Penguin History of Fine art. ISBN978-0140560336.
• Cormack, Robin (2000). Byzantine Art . Oxford: Oxford Academy Press. ISBN978-0-19-284211-4.
• Cormack, Robin (1985). Writing in Gilt, Byzantine Gild and its Icons. London: George Philip. ISBN978-054001085-1.
• Eastmond, Antony (2013). The Glory of Byzantium and Early Christendom. London: Phaidon Press. ISBN978-0714848105.
• Evans, Helen C., ed. (2004). Byzantium, Faith and Power (1261‒1557) . Metropolitan Museum of Art/Yale University Press. ISBN978-1588391148.
• Evans, Helen C. & Wixom, William D. (1997). The Glory of Byzantium: Art and Culture of the Middle Byzantine Era, A.D. 843‒1261. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Fine art. OCLC 853250638.
• Hurst, Ellen (eight August 2014). "A Beginner's Guide to Byzantine Art". Smarthistory. Retrieved 20 April 2016.
• James, Elizabeth (2007). Art and Text in Byzantine Civilisation (1 ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN978-0-521-83409-4.
• Karahan, Anne (2015). "Patristics and Byzantine Meta-Images. Molding Belief in the Divine from Written to Painted Theology". In Harrison, Carol; Bitton-Ashkelony, Brouria; De Bruyn, Théodore (eds.). Patristic Studies in the Twenty-First Century. Turnhout: Brepols Publishers. pp. 551–576. ISBN978-ii-503-55919-3.
• Karahan, Anne (2010). Byzantine Holy Images – Transcendence and Immanence. The Theological Groundwork of the Iconography and Aesthetics of the Chora Church (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta No. 176). Leuven-Paris-Walpole, MA: Peeters Publishers. ISBN978-90-429-2080-iv.
• Karahan, Anne (2016). "Byzantine Visual Culture. Conditions of "Right" Belief and some Platonic Outlooks"". Numen: International Review for the History of Religions. Leiden: Koninklijke Brill NV. 63 (2–3): 210–244. doi:ten.1163/15685276-12341421. ISSN 0029-5973.
• Karahan, Anne (2014). "Byzantine Iconoclasm: Ideology and Quest for Power". In Kolrud, K.; Prusac, M. (eds.). Iconoclasm from Antiquity to Modernity. Farnham Surrey: Ashgate Publishing Ltd. pp. 75‒94. ISBN978-i-4094-7033-5.
• Karahan, Anne (2015). "Affiliate ten: The Impact of Cappadocian Theology on Byzantine Aesthetics: Gregory of Nazianzus on the Unity and Singularity of Christ". In Dumitraşcu, N. (ed.). The Ecumenical Legacy of the Cappadocians. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 159‒184. ISBN978-1-137-51394-6.
• Karahan, Anne (2012). "Beauty in the Eyes of God. Byzantine Aesthetics and Basil of Caesarea". Byzantion: Revue Internationale des Études Byzantines. 82: 165‒212. eISSN 2294-6209. ISSN 0378-2506. *Karahan, Anne (2013). "The Image of God in Byzantine Cappadocia and the Upshot of Supreme Transcendence". Studia Patristica. 59: 97‒111. ISBN978-90-429-2992-0.
• Karahan, Anne (2010). "The Issue of περιχώρησις in Byzantine Holy Images". Studia Patristica. 44: 27‒34. ISBN978-90-429-2370-6.
• Gerstel, Sharon E. J.; Lauffenburger, Julie A., eds. (2001). A Lost Art Rediscovered. Pennsylvania Land Academy. ISBN978-0-271-02139-iii.
• Mango, Cyril, ed. (1972). The Art of the Byzantine Empire, 312‒1453: Sources and Documents. Englewood Cliffs.
• Obolensky, Dimitri (1974) [1971]. The Byzantine Commonwealth: Eastern Europe, 500‒1453. London: Cardinal. ISBN9780351176449.
• http://www.biblionet.gr/book/178713/Ανδρέου,_Ευάγγελος/Γεώργιος_Μάρκου_ο_ΑργείοςWeitzmann, Kurt, ed. (1979). Age of Spirituality: Late Antique and Early Christian Art, Third to Seventh Century. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Fine art.

External links [edit]

• Byzantine Publications Online, freely bachelor for download from Dumbarton Oaks
• Lethaby, William (1911). "Byzantine Art". Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. four (11th ed.). pp. 906–911.
• Eikonografos.com: Byzantine Icons and Mosaics Archived 2012-03-31 at the Wayback Machine
• Anthony Cutler on the economic history of Byzantine mosaics, wall-paintings and icons at Dumbarton Oaks.
• http://www.biblionet.gr/book/178713/Ανδρέου,_Ευάγγελος/Γεώργιος_Μάρκου_ο_Αργείος

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Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Byzantine_art

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